ASSAF with the Refugee Community – The Situation of Refugees in Israel During the “Operation Roaring Lion” War

Without Shelter: Refugees in Israel in the Midst of War

ASSAF with the Refugee Community – The Situation of Refugees in Israel During the “Operation Roaring Lion” War

Refugees in the Operation Roaring Lion war

On February 28, 2026, approximately eight months after the previous escalation with them, another war broke out with Iran. This is another chapter in the continuous and ongoing war that started on October 7, 2023. The current escalation once again threatens regional stability and harms the entire population of Israel – civilians and refugees alike.

For the refugee and asylum-seeker community, the price is particularly heavy. Most of them have no access to protected spaces and no linguistic accessibility to critical information provided to residents. In addition, those who were harmed during missile attacks over the past two years have been left without assistance from the State. Those whose income has been affected, whether because of their workplace being inactive or because they must stay home to care for their children, have been left without employment, without income, and without succor. Meanwhile, economic hardship is increasing, and the shortage of food, medicine, and basic equipment is growing. In parallel with the economic hardship, mental distress is also growing. Many of the asylum seekers have survived severe traumas – torture camps, wars, and persecution – and the current insecure reality is repeatedly reopening old wounds and leading to a deterioration in the mental state of many. Although asylum seekers live in Israel legally, some for over two decades, and although the State of Israel recognizes that the refugees cannot be returned to their countries of origin, as doing so would put them in life-threatening situations, they are systematically excluded from all assistance mechanisms and programs, including national insurance, compensation for war damage, and assistance to those evacuated from areas of danger. While we have witnessed manifestations of solidarity of asylum seekers with Israeli society since the beginning of the war, this solidarity is one-way. Being a refugee in Israel today means being relegated to an existence completely outside the social contract. Refugees are not at the bottom of the priority list – they are not on the list at all. They are excluded from aid systems, erased from public discourse, and remain exposed to missiles, trauma, and poverty, without protection, recognition, or assistance.

Israel is a country that was built by and for refugees. Many of us are descendants of people who fled wars, persecution, and exile. We know all too well what it means to be a stranger in a foreign land and to try to rebuild our lives. Our collective memory teaches us the price of indifference. As Jews and Israelis, our responsibility is not only historical, but also moral and human.

 The status of refugees in Israel[1]

About 72,000 asylum seekers currently live legally in Israel. Approximately 50,000 of them are under “group protection,” following the State’s decision not to deport them to their countries of origin. Most of them are from Eritrea, Ukraine, and Sudan. In addition, there are another 8,000 Ethiopian citizens who were protected from deportation until December 2025, and approximately 14,000 other asylum seekers from other countries who are not entitled to collective protection, who have submitted individual applications for asylum that have yet to be resolved, and who are also protected from deportation.

Despite being protected from deportation and residing in Israel legally, they are excluded from most welfare services, public health insurance, and any form of basic social safety net. Many live in deep poverty and constant instability. They are employed in low-wage, unstable jobs and struggle daily to meet even their most basic needs. Without recognition or rights, excluded from national support systems, they remain one of the most vulnerable and disadvantaged populations in the country.

• 57% of asylum seekers live below the poverty line, compared to 20.7% of the general population in Israel.
• 85% suffer from food insecurity, and 56% suffer from severe food insecurity, compared to 21.1% and 10.1%, respectively, in the general population.
• Nearly one-third report poor or very poor health, and many lack access to medical or social services.
• As for Ukrainian refugees: approximately 70% of their salary is spent on rent (whereas research literature in the field of housing expenditures relates to a rate of more than 30% of disposable income as “unaffordable housing”).
• The average salary of Ukrainian refugees is 5,600 NIS and 79% of them live in poverty. Only about two-thirds of them are officially employed, i.e. a third of the women are employed illegally, deprived of protection and social rights.
• In addition, only about 30% of the Ukrainian refugees live in food security, approximately 50% in moderate food insecurity, and about 20% in severe food insecurity. Similarly, in responses to questionnaires that were distributed by ASSAF in early 2026 among 110 refugees, half of them report that they lack the economic resources needed to maintain a balanced diet.

This reality is not solely the result of the current war. It stems from years-long policy that has abandoned the refugee and asylum-seeking community in Israel to a life of exclusion, at the margins of civil society, without protection or support.

The community of asylum seekers and refugees has yet to recover from the war with Iran in June 2025,[2] and already finds itself forced to deal with another war that will have major effects in all respects and spheres of their lives.

Key challenges and obstacles identified within the refugee and asylum-seeking communities following the war with Iran:

1. Lack of mapping of displaced and affected persons: Although the war in Israel has persisted for over two years and the ongoing attacks do not discriminate by nationality, religion, or legal status, since October 2023, and to date, Government offices have not determined the identities and needs of those in the refugee communities who were evacuated or hurt.
2. Exclusion from emergency aid and support programs: Despite living in Israel legally, asylum seekers are systematically excluded from government emergency assistance, including financial aid, compensation for war-related damages, and evacuation support. Just as they were excluded from aid and evacuation projects after October 7, asylum seekers still remain outside all frameworks for supporting affected citizens, despite facing equal or even greater challenges. We at ASSAF are witness to how this phenomenon repeats itself. Those whose homes and property were destroyed by missiles have not received compensation, unlike Israeli citizens. Similarly, some of the families who had to evacuate their homes, due to the lack of nearby shelters or as a result of their home being destroyed, received no state aid, forcing many to find housing on their own, with some even being forced to sleep on the streets. ASSAF assisted refugee families who were directly affected by missile strikes or were left without a roof over their heads. While most Israeli families in similar situations were relocated to hotels and received support from the State, refugee families had to fend for themselves and are entirely dependent on ASSAF and other aid organizations. After a struggle by ASSAF and partner organizations, a compensation plan was created specifically for the community. However, due to bureaucratic red tape generated by the State, many beneficiaries did not receive the compensation that the State had pledged and declared it would pay.[3]
3. Loss of income and absence of a safety net: Since February 28 of this year, strict security restrictions have been imposed on the economy, first and foremost the shutdown of educational frameworks for children, bans on gatherings, and closures of non-essential workplaces. A week into the war, some of the restrictions on gatherings were lifted, but educational frameworks have yet to be reopened. These harsh restrictions have left many refugees, who even in normal times work in unstable and low-wage jobs, without work. Without work and access to unemployment benefits or other state allowances, they are now entirely without income. Moreover, for refugees and asylum seekers job loss often means loss of health insurance, further limiting access to medical services. As the war drags on, the economic situation is rapidly deteriorating. Families struggle to pay rent, buy food, diapers, and other basic products. Food insecurity, already common among refugee families, continues to deepen.
4. Lack of access to protected spaces: Most asylum seekers live in crowded apartments in old buildings located in underprivileged neighborhoods, without access to bomb shelters or protected spaces. When sirens go off, many have no safe place to shelter in. This leaves them physically vulnerable and in constant danger. Furthermore, most public shelters are not accessible to people with disabilities (for example, there is not a single accessible shelter in all of southern Tel Aviv). The current war has further highlighted the direct link between socioeconomic status and personal security:[4] those with resources often have access to protected spaces in or near their homes, while the most marginalized and disadvantaged populations, including refugees and asylum seekers, live in areas with limited shelter access, with almost no access to private or collective safe rooms.
5. Lack of access to reliable information: Important and lifesaving instructions from the Home Front Command are not officially translated into many of the languages spoken by the refugee and asylum-seeking communities. Hence, refugees often rely on informal networks and unreliable sources of information, which increases anxiety and vulnerability in their communities.
6. Severe impact on mental health: Refugees and asylum seekers have survived severe past traumas – wars, genocide, and other atrocities – that forced them to flee their homes and seek political asylum. Many arrived in Israel after escaping human trafficking and brutal torture. For many, the months-long war and recent escalation of Iranian attacks trigger traumatic memories from the past. Even in ordinary times, their access to mental health services is very limited, and now it is virtually non-existent.
7. Increased risk for children and youth and persecution by authorities: Children and youth are among the most vulnerable groups in the current crisis. For at-risk youth, their main support systems, educational and work frameworks, have been abruptly disrupted by the war. Their ability to connect to online learning is limited as many do not have access to computers and internet services that are prerequisite for doing so. Moreover, the educational institutions where most of the community’s children study do not afford online learning. Without a routine or framework, the children are confined to small, crowded apartments, and lacking access to protective public spaces, so many wander the streets of southern Tel Aviv. In addition, for many, the war and the stressful situations it creates have a dramatic impact on their mental state, especially since either they themselves fled wars and torture or they were born into families suffering from intergenerational trauma. These transparent children and youth are increasingly being pushed to the social margins in Israel.

In addition to the harm caused to children by the war, measures are currently being promoted with the direct purpose of harming refugee and asylum-seeking children:

• Termination of funding for early childhood frameworks for statusless children: In recent years, early childhood educational frameworks for statusless children have been funded by virtue of a dedicated government decision. At the end of last year, we were forced, together with partner organizations, to fight for the continued funding of UNITAF, which operates those frameworks. As of the beginning of this year (2026), the decision expired and has not been renewed, so that public funding for these settings has been stopped, causing a significant reduction in the options that the frameworks for toddlers and young children can offer, and harm to the employment stability of their parents. This, despite a recent incident in which a toddler died in a “children’s warehouse” in Bnei Brak. It is important to note that at the same time, a series of measures are currently being promoted that are aimed at harming minor asylum seekers, including the cancellation of Preventive Health Care (PHS) services for statusless children on the autistic spectrum.[5]
• Targeting of children and youth by law enforcement agencies in southern Tel Aviv: Over the past year, there has been an increase in law enforcement activity in southern Tel Aviv, including an increased presence of police and Border Guard forces. As part of this increase, two additional Border Guard units were deployed in the area, accompanied by reports of frequent detentions and spot checks of youth from the asylum seeker community in public spaces. This situation raises concerns of targeting and unequal selective enforcement aimed at children and youth belonging to the community.

8. Dramatic Changes in Israel’s Legal and Political Landscape:

In recent months, the war has provided cover for growing legal and political hostility in Israel toward human rights organizations in general, and towards those defending refugee rights in particular. In addition, we are witness to legislative initiatives specifically designed to harm refugees and further deteriorate their living conditions. Among the latest developments:

• “Non-Profit Organization Law”: A bill passed in a preliminary reading in the Knesset that would impose an 80% tax on donations to NGOs that are not supported by the State and are funded by foreign entities.
• “Entry into Israel Law (Amendment No. 42) (Expulsion from Israel of infiltrators supporting the government of their state)”: This law was entered into the statute book of the State of Israel, and within its framework, an Eritrean citizen (despite the group protection that applies to Eritrean citizens) was deported back to Eritrea, on the grounds that he was a “regime supporter.” He was refused entrance into Eritrea and, as far as we know, he is currently in Uganda. In addition, in February 2026, Israeli officials also worked to deport a Sudanese citizen using the second section of the law, which states that anyone who commits a criminal offense punishable by more than 3 years in prison may be a candidate for deportation. To our best knowledge, the State of Israel does not examine, in violation of international law and the treaties to which Israel is a signatory, if those being held for deportation to their country of origin would face any significant danger to their life or well-being upon their arrival.
• In the last year and a half, no fewer than six laws have been proposed that would directly harm the refugee and asylum-seeking communities living in Israel. One such proposal is the “Basic Law: Immigration”, which threatens to severely undermine refugee rights, democratic principles, and the rule of law. This legislation would enshrine drastic measures that violate the Refugee Convention to which Israel is a signatory, including detention of refugees and asylum seekers, denial of access to legal recourse, and even deportation. In addition, in recent months there has been a trend of publishing discriminatory, offensive, and undemocratic administrative tenders in an attempt to undermine the rule of law without legislation, including one that would allow contracting a private detective company to monitor people in the service of the Population Authority.[6]
• Rescinding protection against deportation of Ethiopian citizens: About two years ago, the Population Authority announced the rescinding of the group protection afforded to Ethiopian citizens living in Israel. Following the decision, ASSAF and other human rights organizations filed a petition with the court, and the legal process led to the issuance of an interim order that delayed the implementation of the decision for an extended period. However, on December 17, 2025, the Supreme Court ruled that the State of Israel is authorized to deport Ethiopian citizens, while granting a stay of execution of only four months. The ruling was made without any significant reference to the danger posed to those who would be returned to Ethiopia, and without establishing a protective mechanism that would ensure the performance of individual reviews before deportation. The significance of the decision is that as of April 17, 2026, Ethiopian citizens living in Israel may be subject to deportation, in spite of the fact that fighting in Ethiopia has resumed in recent months and the security situation there continues to be unstable.
• Promoting legislation to lower the criminal threshold for refugee children: A few months ago, a bill was tabled in the Knesset seeking to enable criminal enforcement against children aged 10 or older of “infiltrator” parents (those who entered Israel by crossing the border illegally). This move will lead to early criminalization and deeper involvement of minors in the law enforcement system, instead of promoting educational and social solutions.
• In the past year, resettlement programs to Canada and the United States have been frozen or canceled: In recent years, resettlement programs in countries such as the United States and Canada have provided a limited horizon for a small part of the refugee community in Israel. Although this is a partial and problematic solution that does not replace the State of Israel’s commitment under the Refugee Convention and is not correlated with it, these programs have allowed some refugees to start over in a third country after long years of living in uncertainty. However, in the past year, these programs have been frozen or terminated: the possibility of submitting new applications has been closed. Processes that have already begun have been halted, and in some cases, especially in the United States, even the passages of refugees who have already received final approval and have a flight date have been canceled. At present, there is no clear prospect of the renewal of the programs. Their suspension has further exacerbated the distress in the community, which has reluctantly relied on them as a possible way out of their situation. In addition, in the past decade the resettlement programs have led some of the more resourceful, powerful and leadership-capable people in the community to leave Israel, while the most vulnerable have remained behind. For many of the refugees who have moved under these programs, this is also a second uprooting, another move after years of living in Israel, but despite the heavy personal cost, this option has provided some hope for a better and safer future.

9. The situation of war refugees from Ukraine:[7] In recent months, the period of protection from deportation for Ukrainian citizens in Israel has been extended, but only until the end of March 2026, while in Europe, collective protection or temporary protection in the European Union has been extended until the beginning of March 2027 within the framework of the EU’s collective protection mechanisms. As a result, in Israel many Ukrainians are residing here legally under temporary protection from deportation, but it is unclear what will happen at the end of March, and there is, at this time, no certainty about the continuation of protection or the possibility of its extension. At the same time, many of the Ukrainians are not recognized as refugees and have not received a resolved refugee status, therefore even those who receive automatic renewal of their residence visas because of the war in Ukraine (most of whom are still in Israel with tourist visas) have difficulty planning their future from an economic or employment perspective: their status is unclear beyond the period of collective protection, and the social and welfare rights they depend upon are not guaranteed. This state of uncertainty, combined with the ongoing fighting in Israel and the denial of basic social rights, further deepens the vulnerability of the Ukrainian community here.[8] On Sunday, March 8, 2026, a discussion was held in the Immigration and Absorption Committee on the subject of: “Government Ministry Assistance and Response to New Immigrants During the ‘Operation Roaring Lion’ war.” During the discussion, the Director of the Visas and Status Division at the Population Authority updated that the State’s decision regarding the continuation of group protection for Ukrainian refugees is expected to be announced only in about two weeks (approximately one week before the end of the current protection period). MK Gilad Kariv, the director of the committee, related to the situation of the refugees and requested that the committee not settle for a short extension of the protection period for three months, given the fact that the situation in Ukraine has not improved. For that reason, and also in light of the upcoming election period, he suggested considering a longer extension.
10. Severe Financial Impact on Aid Organizations:

Over the past year, there has been a sharp shift in the financial reality for aid organizations in Israel:

• Many international donors have ended their support for Israel due to political considerations.
• Local philanthropy now focuses primarily on war-related aid, with a clear preference for Israeli citizens.
• Amid a sharp rise in global antisemitism, many Jewish foundations and communities have redirected their resources from Israel toward strengthening Jewish communities in the diaspora.
• The worsening political climate in Israel and international developments—including Trump’s reelection—have further reduced available funding. For example, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) recently and abruptly ended all support for refugee aid organizations in Israel, including its support for ASSAF.
• The new tax law is expected to significantly reduce the magnitude of donations accessible to human rights organizations.

To alleviate the severe hardship faced by asylum seekers and refugees during this crisis, ASSAF is acting on four main fronts:

1. Direct and immediate aid to the most vulnerable:

Since the current escalation, the ASSAF team has been working tirelessly to support the communities most affected by the situation through:

• Emergency war relief – ASSAF is actively responding to the acute needs of the refugee and asylum-seeking communities, including assistance for families whose homes were hit by missiles and support in finding alternative housing (a service the State of Israel refuses to provide to these communities). At the same time, ASSAF continues to address broader community needs, such as humanitarian aid, distribution of accessible safety information, and emotional support.
• Maintaining ongoing support for the most vulnerable individuals – The psychosocial department team (including social workers, reception staff, community mediators, and youth team members) continues to provide care and support to those assisted by the organization, many of whom, even in peacetime, struggle daily to survive economically and mentally.
• Expanding support services through the Advocacy and Support Center (public reception services) – Immediately following the Iranian missile attacks, and despite security restrictions, ASSAF expanded its public reception hours and launched a telephone hotline, which operates five days a week, to provide tailored support for the communities during this crisis.
• Support for asylum-seeking youth – Due to the current crisis situation, the Youth Club cannot hold its regular activities in its facility. So as to continue to provide support, the individual remote support has been expanded, and the Youth Club team maintains regular phone contact with the teens to ensure no one is left behind. This communication focuses on their mental, emotional, and physical wellbeing and is coordinated with the Youth Club coordinator to identify urgent needs and protection deficiencies. In addition, the club staff created a WhatsApp group for parents of the youth participating in the club’s activities, through which the coordinator provides timely and linguistically accessible safety instructions and information about available services. The group also helps identify urgent family needs to build a holistic support system for the youth.
• Needs mapping and assessment – ASSAF is mapping the needs of families from refugee communities directly affected by missile strikes, assessing available resources and identifying protection deficiencies. We also maintain constant contact with clients in need, checking their access to shelters, life-saving information, and essential services. The mapping includes identifying urgent humanitarian challenges such as food insecurity, unstable access to housing, and economic hardship.
• Expanding humanitarian aid – Given the severe impact of the crisis on the entire community, and especially on its most vulnerable members, ASSAF has not only continued routine activities but is also working to expand humanitarian assistance in order to reduce devastating harm to the refugee community.
• Ensuring access to reliable information to strengthen community resilience and promote safety – ASSAF works to ensure that all asylum seekers and refugees receive accurate, real-time, and culturally and linguistically accessible information:

○   Whenever we discover accessibility disparities, we translate official guidelines, create accessible content in multiple languages, and distribute it via ASSAF’s dedicated Facebook page for refugees, WhatsApp groups, and other digital platforms.

• Based on our expertise in psychosocial support, we provide materials to help cope with stress and trauma, including information on mental wellbeing, stress management, and supporting children during emergencies.
• We relaunched our popular community Zoom meetings, held in Ukrainian, Tigrinya, and Arabic. These meetings explain Home Front Command safety procedures and offer tools for coping with crisis situations.

2. Promoting equal access to rights and services alongside direct aid and information distribution:

ASSAF continues to work to protect the rights of asylum seekers and refugees during this time of crisis. We work to map the needs, available services and critical deficiencies in their protection, to raise awareness of these deficiencies and the need to expand relief. This activity is carried out through direct and ongoing communication with the communities themselves, monitoring the response of government and local authorities, making official appeals to authorities when necessary, and raising awareness of the difficult situation of refugees in the written and digital media.

Furthermore, ASSAF is a partner in public, legal and other efforts to challenge exclusionary policy and demand the inclusion of asylum seekers in emergency systems and to afford them protective relief just as it is afforded to Israeli residents affected by the war. Our goal is to ensure that no one is left without assistance, and that the rights and needs of all communities living in Israel are respected, regardless of their civil status.

3. Strengthening and sustaining ASSAF’s team resilience:

In light of the challenges facing ASSAF’s team, particularly due to the prolonged state of war in Israel and the recent escalation, ASSAF is committed to investing in the personal and organizational resilience of its management, staff, and volunteers. A key focus is on fostering individual and organizational resilience while increasing awareness of the importance of supporting frontline workers.

The extensive professional experience that ASSAF has gained in emergency response has enabled the organization to rapidly adapt its activities to the new escalation and to make optimal use of its resources to assist the refugee and asylum-seeking communities during this difficult time. However, the recent escalation of the war, the total neglect by authorities of refugees affected by the Iranian attack, and the legal and political developments targeting the refugee community and human rights organizations have further exacerbated the distress of refugee communities and severely undermined the ability of organizations supporting them to provide aid and protection.

ASSAF itself has experienced a sudden and significant decline in available resources. As a direct result of these combined developments, the continued operation of ASSAF’s core programs — emergency humanitarian aid, psychosocial support, para-legal services, and public advocacy — is under real threat. All these programs serve as critical lifelines for the refugee and asylum-seeking communities in Israel.

As the war continues, the damage will only intensify. Without urgent intervention, these vulnerable communities face the risk of a severe humanitarian crisis, as was seen during the COVID-19 pandemic and following the October 7 “Swords of Iron”  war. The State of Israel must immediately include refugees and asylum seekers in all emergency and recovery plans and provide them with economic assistance, housing support and access to health and welfare services.

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ASSAF – Aid Organization for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Israel is a non-profit organization committed to assisting refugees and asylum seekers, grounded in the belief that Israeli society bears a historical responsibility toward them. Since 2007, ASSAF has worked on two main levels: providing psychosocial support and humanitarian aid to refugees and asylum seekers and promoting their rights through public awareness and advocacy with state authorities.

Our hearts go out to the bereaved families and those whose loved ones are injured. We pray for the full recovery of the injured. Our hearts go out to those who have lost their homes, and we hope for a speedy recovery and rebuilding. In these difficult times, we hold on to the hope of quieter days, peace, justice, solidarity and security for all.

Today, more than ever, we need you with us.

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Additional information can be found on the ASF’s social media channels on Facebook, Instagram and X (Twitter).

[1] This is not a mistake – it is policy. The situation of asylum seekers and refugees in Israel December 2025.

[2] The Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, and the war that followed, did not spare refugee communities. Three refugees are known to have been killed, and others were injured or displaced from their homes. Many asylum seekers volunteered and joined civilian efforts to aid survivors. After two years of war, the escalation with Iran in June 2025 deepened the acute crisis facing refugee and asylum-seeking communities, as evidenced by a surge in requests for food, medicine, and emergency assistance, and several refugee homes were damaged and completely destroyed, leaving families homeless. In that attack, five refugees were killed, three of them children, and many others were displaced without access to stable housing or basic protection. Now again, with the current escalation, requests for humanitarian assistance immediately increased and the need for psychosocial assistance due to the war situation has grown.

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[3]   We note that evacuees from October 7, 2023, who were forced to evacuate on their own (because the State refused to aid them in doing so), received compensation for loss of income only in January 2026 following a legal process that ASSAF initiated and conducted together with partner organizations. Unfortunately, in addition to the unreasonable delay in providing the compensation, it is a reduced sum (9000 NIS for an adult and 4500 NIS for a minor) and many of those who were in Sderot on the day of the massacre were unable to prove their residency as per the terms of the compensation provisions and therefore did not receive any compensation at all. This, in addition to their ineligibility for psychological assistance despite the trauma and the difficult sights that they saw.

[4]   Eden Solomon, Haaretz (March 1, 2026), “The war revealed an old truth: In Israel, protection is a matter of status”. [Hebrew]

[5]   Cancellation of PHS services for statusless children on the autistic spectrum: At the beginning of 2025, the Ministry of Health changed guidelines in order to cancel complementary preventive health care services (PHS) for statusless children on the autistic spectrum. The significance of the decision is that children who were integrated into therapeutic frameworks essential to their development will no longer have access to basic paramedical treatments. The cessation of treatments will significantly harm their development and their ability to integrate into educational and social frameworks, and will leave many families without any therapeutic aid. Currently, legal proceedings are underway (which ASSAF is partner to) that resulted in the cancellation of the decision for the current school year, but according to the State’s response, the cancellation of eligibility for PHS treatments will take effect at the beginning of the next school year.

[6]   Keren Cohen Kivelä. Shomrim (February 26, 2026). “Reading intimate messages and infiltrating closed groups: The Population Authority is preparing for covert surveillance of citizens.” [Hebrew]

[7]  Situation report: Ukrainian Refugees in Israel February 2026. ASSAF. [Hebrew]

[8]   Ran Shimoni, Haaretz (February 25, 2026), “Ukrainian Refugees in Israel Face Growing Poverty, Long Legal Uncertainty”